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Sharmila Tagore aka Ayesha Begum Sultana
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Here is an open letter which is a befitting reply on the
selective outrage of another pseudo secular bollywood actress Sharmila
Tagore aka Ayesha Begum Sultana on Dadri Incident. The authors of this
letter are Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh and Dikgaj and the Source is DailyO.
Here is the letter:
Dear Mrs Ayesha Sultana,
Having read a recent
article
of yours, which you have signed as “Sharmila Tagore”, may we humbly ask
you some questions? We hope we can address you by the name you assumed
in adult life though that’s not the one you signed the article in
question with. Your article is in Bengali and was uploaded on the eve of
Durga Puja which is the greatest festival of Bengali Hindus. On such an
auspicious occasion, how sensitive was it to name your article “This is
Not a Very Happy Time”(
E boro anonder somoy noy)? We are aware
that your article is about “intolerance” just as you are aware that
most readers of your chosen media, viz. Kolkata-based
Anandabaazar Patrika,
are Bengali Hindus. While trying to guilt-trip Bengali Hindus about
“intolerance”, when they were about to start their annual festivities,
didn’t you feel any sense of guilt yourself?
When you declare that “Dadri incident has crossed all limits” (
Dadrir ghotona somosto seemarekha otikrom kore giyechhe),
do you mean that it crossed all limits of media coverage or monetary
compensation? If you mean any of these, we agree with you. After all, it
was because of the relentless media coverage that the victim’s family
has been given an
unprecedented compensation
of Rs 45 lakhs and promised four flats of two bedrooms each in the posh
township of Noida. However, if you mean that the Dadri incident has
crossed all limits of “intolerance”, may we ask if Kupgaon’s incident
was somehow within those limits that you talk of? In Kupgaon, which
happens to be in the same Uttar Pradesh as Dadri is, 15-year old Sanju
Rathore was shot dead on the evening of July 29, 2015 by armed men
belonging to a “minority community” who fired at a “religious site of
the other community” just hours after a
scuffle
“between the members of the two communities” over one’s cattle grazing
in another’s field. Two others, Jitendra Singh and Raju Singh, had
“sustained severe injuries” in the scuffle – but not only them, even the
family of the deceased has not been given any compensation in the three
months since the incident.
About the Dadri case, you shudder that “this incident is
totally bone-chilling.” (Ei ghotona ekbarei har him kora.) If so, was
the Kupgaon case so mind-numbing that you have wiped it off your memory
altogether? Or did you not know about the Kupgaon case at all because
the media did not raise any hue and cry about the
killing
of the Hindu boy by Muslim men? Or the murder of Prashant Poojary, the
man butchered because he opposed a slaughter house, and the suspicious
death of Vaman Poojary, eyewitnesses concerned in the
Prashant Poojary murder case?
Of course, even when the victim of a gruesome crime was a Muslim, such a
hue and cry was not raised by the media – when the perpetrators were
not Hindus. Lynching of a prisoner in Dimapur hardly interested our
secular media. Was it because the incident was not a
cudgel to hammer the Hindus?
Stepping back in time, let us remind you of a documented
case of ethnic cleansing on a mass scale not too far off from Dadri
either, which could not persuade you to use your eloquent pen:
Srinagar, January 4, 1990. Aftab, a
local Urdu newspaper, publishes a press release issued by Hizb-ul
Mujahideen, set up by the Jamaat-e-Islami in 1989 to wage jihad for
Jammu and Kashmir’s secession from India and accession to Pakistan,
asking all Hindus to pack up and leave. Another local paper, Al Safa,
repeats this expulsion order.
In the following days, there is near chaos in the
Kashmir valley with chief minister Farooq Abdullah and his National
Conference government abdicating all responsibilities of the state.
Masked men run amok, waving Kalashnikovs, shooting to kill and shouting
anti-India slogans.
Reports of killing of Hindus, invariably Kashmiri
Pandits, begin to trickle in; there are explosions; inflammatory
speeches are made from the pulpits of mosques, using public address
systems meant for calling the faithful to prayers. A terrifying fear
psychosis begins to take grip of Kashmiri Pandits.
Walls are plastered with posters and handbills,
summarily ordering all Kashmiris to strictly follow the Islamic dress
code, prohibiting the sale and consumption of alcoholic drinks and
imposing a ban on video parlours and cinemas. The masked men with
Kalashnikovs force people to re-set their watches and clocks to Pakistan
Standard Time.
Shops, business establishments and homes of Kashmiri
Pandits, the original inhabitants of the Kashmir valley with a recorded
cultural and civilisational history dating back 5,000 years, are marked
out. Notices are pasted on doors of Pandit houses, peremptorily asking
the occupants to leave Kashmir within 24 hours or face death and worse.
Some are more lucid: “Be one with us, run, or die!”
Srinagar, January 19, 1990. …. Curfew is imposed as a first measure to restore some semblance of law and order. But it fails to have a deterrent effect.
Throughout the day, Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front
and Hizbul Mujahideen terrorists use public address systems at mosques
to exhort people to defy curfew and take to the streets. Masked men,
firing from their Kalashnikovs, march up and down, terrorising cowering
Pandits who, by then, have locked themselves in their homes.
As evening falls, the exhortations become louder and
shriller. Three taped slogans are repeatedly played the whole night from
mosques: “Kashmir mei agar rehna hai, Allah-O-Akbar kehna hai” (If you
want to stay in Kashmir, you have to say Allah-O-Akbar); “Yahan kya
chalega, Nizam-e-Mustafa” (What do we want here? Rule of Shariah); “Asi
gachchi Pakistan, Batao roas te Batanev san” (We want Pakistan along
with Hindu women but without their men).
In the preceding months, 300 Hindu men and women,
nearly all of them Kashmiri Pandits, had been slaughtered ever since the
brutal murder of Pandit Tika Lal Taploo, noted lawyer and BJP national
executive member, by the JKLF in Srinagar on September 14, 1989. Soon
after that, Justice N K Ganju of the Srinagar high court was shot dead.
Pandit Sarwanand Premi, 80-year-old poet, and his son were kidnapped,
tortured, their eyes gouged out, and hanged to death. A Kashmiri Pandit
nurse working at the Soura Medical College Hospital in Srinagar was
gang-raped and then beaten to death. Another woman was abducted, raped
and sliced into bits and pieces at a sawmill.
In villages and towns across the Kashmir valley,
terrorist hit lists have been floating about. All the names are of
Kashmiri Pandits. With no government worth its name, the administration
having collapsed and disappeared, the police nowhere to be seen,
despondency sets in. As the night of January 19, 1990, wears itself out,
despondency gives way to desperation.
And tens of thousands of Kashmiri Pandits across the
valley take a painful decision: to flee their homeland to save their
lives from rabid jihadis. Thus, takes place a 20th century exodus.
… You remained silent then, when thousands of micro-minorities of a
Muslim majority state had to flee to save their life and dignity. They
remain as refugees in their own country till date. You remained silent
all this while, but emerged to vociferously protest when one individual,
Sudheendra Kulkarni’s face was smeared with black ink: “The same can be
said about the incident of smearing ink on Sudheendra Kulkarni’s face.”
(
Sudheendra Kulkarnir mukhe kali lepe deoyar ghotonatir khetreo ei eki kotha bola chole.)
If ink is what you have a particular aversion to, say much more than
the rape and murder of thousands of Hindus, why have you ignored what
happened to Baba Ramdev earlier? During the
Baba’s press conference
on black money in 2012 at New Delhi, his face was smeared with ink by
one Kamran Siddiqui for ignoring the latter’s question on the Batla
House encounter. Did Ramdev’s avoidance of the question, that too an
irrelevant one, justify the smearing of his face with ink? Was his
refusal to answer the question a more provocative act than Kulkarni’s
launching of a book written by a former minister of a troublesome
country which was created after partitioning ours and even now continues
its policy of bleeding India through a thousand cuts? On the question
of Pakistan, may we also know why you have never written against the
forcible conversions of Hindu girls
in that Islamic country? As someone with close connections with UK, you
are probably familiar with the fact that similar protests are par for
the course there. We share a video showing how leading UK politician Ed
Milliband laughed off a protest where he was pelted with eggs during a
public speech:
We wonder how a similar innocuous protest perturbs you to the extent you described.
You allege, “In the same planned manner, the voice of
rationalist writers like Narendra Dabholkar and Govind Pansare have been
silenced.” (
Eki bhabe chhok koshe kontho stobdho kore deoa hoyechhe Narendra Dabholkar, Gobind Pansarer moto juktibadi lekhokder.)
Wouldn’t it be more accurate to describe Dabholkar and Pansare as
anti-Hindu activists than as “rationalist writers” since almost all
their work was specifically against Hindu beliefs and practices?
However, if you insist that they were “rationalist” and not merely
anti-Hindu, would you enlighten us about any substantial work of theirs
against non-Hindu faiths like Christianity and Islam which are majority
religions not only on the global scale but also in many Indian states
and districts? Or do you believe that Christianity and Islam, both of
which are financially much stronger than Hinduism, are so rational in
themselves that “rationalist writers” do not need to criticise them at
all? Are you sure that your listing of “rationalist writers” is rational
in itself? Given your concern at the silencing of “rationalist
writers”, how is it that you have been silent about the
silencing of Taslima Nasreen
in the Indian state with which you have familial links? Is she not a
rationalist or is she not a writer or is she not in hiding? Why are you
also mum about Sanal Edamaruku who had to exile himself not after he
offended Hindus but after he offended Christians in 2012? As a convert,
what would you say about Edamaruku’s Hindu mother who
had to run away from her Christian in-laws
in order to avoid being converted? Moreover, as not even a single
person has been arrested till date for Dabholkar’s murder, how can you
claim that the crime was a “planned” one or insinuate that he was killed
for being a “rationalist”? Couldn’t personal enmity or even mistaken
identity be possible reasons for that crime?
You insist, “If some cranks of a political party take the role of vanguard, it is inevitable that such things would happen.” (
Kono rajnoitik doler utko kichhu byakti jodi vanguarder bhumika niye nay, tobe ja hoar tai ghotchhe.)
How can you target any one party when the Dabholkar murder happened in
an INC-governed state, the Pansare murder happened in a BJP-governed one
and the Dadri murder happened in an SP-governed one? Aren’t murders a
matter of public order and isn’t public order in the
State List
of the Constitution of India? Moreover, what makes you think that
supporters of a political party cannot “take the role of vanguard”? Our
country, being a democracy, doesn’t every democracy need political
parties and don’t political parties need supporters? Isn’t it
feudalistic to think lowly of political workers as if the supposedly
apolitical lot are paragons of virtue? Isn’t it elitist to suggest that
“the role of vanguard” be reserved for so-called apolitical people?
You claim, “It is sadder that leaders are not condemning these incidents but trying to hide them.” (
Aaro dukhhojonok bishoy holo netara ghotonar ninda na kore borong take aral korar cheshta korchhen.) However, are you sure that “leaders are not condemning these incidents”? Didn’t the then CM of Maharashtra
equate Dabholkar’s murder with Gandhi’s assassination? Hasn’t the present CM of Maharashtra
ensured the arrest of a suspect in Pansare’s murder? Hasn’t the CM of Uttar Pradesh awarded the Dadri victim’s family a
compensation
of Rs 45 lakhs and promised four flats of two bedrooms each in upmarket
Noida? More than any leader trying to hide these incidents, aren’t you
the one who is hiding the incident of Kupgaon along with the silencing
of Nasreen and Edamaruku?
When you claim that leaders “have become busy in giving
reasons for these incidents. Sometimes it is being said that all these
are accidents!” (
Ei ghotonagulir karon dorshanor jonyo uthepore legechhen. Kokhono ei juktio deoa hochhe, e sob naki durghotona),
we wonder why we did not hear you when gang rapes were shrugged off by
multiple CMs of West Bengal – the state where your chosen media
platform,
AnandaBaazar Patrika is based. After all,
Jyoti Basu had dismissed the gangrape of three women and lynching of two at Bantala on the evening of May 30, 1990 as an “unimportant” incident (
Emon toh kotoi hoy).
After college student Shipra Ghosh was raped and torn legs apart
allegedly by one Rafiqul Islam and his gang on the afternoon of June 7,
2013, Mamata Banerjee
ridiculed those who demanded action against the perpetrators as the proverbial “thief’s mom who shouts the loudest” (
Chorer mayer boro gola).
About the Dadri lynching, you complain, “The victim of the crime is being put in the docks and the criminal is resting fine.”
(Jini oporadher shikar, takei jeno kathgorai danr korano hochhe, aar oporadhi royechhe bohal tobiyote.) The truth, however, is that all the accused have been
arrested,
quite apart from the fact that the victim’s family has been given
unrivalled compensation. Your statement appears therefore to be a
classic instance of suppressio veri, suggestio falsi (first suppress the
truth, then suggest the false).
You highlight, “Haryana’s chief minister has said, Muslims can stay in this country but they must not eat beef!” (
Haryanar mukhyomontri bole bosechhen, Musalmanra deshe thakte chan thakun, kintu tnader gomangsho khaoa cholbe na!)
Here, not only have you suppressed the apology which the CM tendered
later on, you have also suppressed his original explanation for it. He
had said, “They can be Muslim even after they stop eating beef, can’t
they? It is
written nowhere
that Muslims have to eat beef, not is it written anywhere in
Christianity that they have to eat beef.” What he was trying to explain
is the fact that beef is not an essential part of any faith, though he
later apologized for the entire statement. However, wasn’t the crux of
his statement in consonance with the spirit of the Constitution, whose
Directive Principles include “
prohibiting the slaughter of cows and calves and other milch and draught cattle“? It appears that you have close connections with Indian National Congress (your late husband had
contested Lok Sabha elections on a Congress ticket, Congress was apparently
considering you for the same honour in 2014; you had also been appointed as the
head of the censor board during the regime of UPA government (2004-2011).
Thus, since Congress swears by the sayings of Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi, it would be pertinent to quote him from his
autobiography here: “But it would be another matter and quite
graceful, and reflect great credit on them, if the Musalmans of their
own free will stopped cow slaughter out of regard for the religious
sentiments of the Hindus, and from a sense of duty towards them as
neighbours and children of the same soil. To take up such an independent
attitude was, I contended, their duty, and would enhance the dignity of
their conduct.” (Chapter 160, The Khilafat Against The Cow-Protection, My Experiments with Truth). Mohandas Gandhi had also quoted Maulana Abdul Bari as follows: “As a Maulvi, I say that, in refraining from cow-slaughter of our own free will, we in no way go against our faith.”
Punjab Letter, [Around December 1, 1919], Maulana Abdul Bari,
Navajivan, 7-12-1919. Mohandas Gandhi had also written in his
autobiography: “But in spite of my warning Maulana Abdul Bari Saheb
said: ‘No matter whether the Hindus help us or not, the Musalmans ought,
as the countrymen of the Hindus, out of regard for the latter’s
susceptibilities, to give up cow slaughter.’ And at one time it almost
looked as if they would really put an end to it.” (The Khilafat
Against The Cow-Protection, My Experiments with Truth). Do you think the
Haryana CM differed in essence from the icon, whom the Congress party
swears by or the Maulavi he quoted?
You argue, “There are a thousand important issues in the
country like poverty, unemployment, development – nobody is saying
anything about them.” (Deshe daridro, bekiritwo, unnoyoner moto hajaro gurutwopurno bishoy royechhe, ta niye keu ra karchhen na.)
While you appear to be very concerned about “poverty”, will you tell us
who is responsible for keeping that scourge alive even 68 years after
India’s independence? When you claim that “nobody is saying anything”
about issues of unemployment and development, are you sure that you have
heard even a single speech of the prime minister? If you have never
heard of his schemes like Jan Dhan, Make in India, Digital India, Swachh
Bharat, Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao, etc, aren’t you making your ignorance
very obvious?
You cry, “NGOs, educational institutions are coming under attack one after another.” (
Eker por ek NGO, shikshakendro, protishthaner upor aghat aschhe.) Do you mean that NGOs should be above the law of the land, that too after 90 per cent of them not even submitting their
financial details
to the government? And, if some educational institutions are “coming
under attack”, are you sure that they are not in West Bengal? Just one
of the innumerable examples of such attacks in this state was the
killing of unarmed policeman Tapas Choudhury
at Harimohan Ghose College in Kolkata on February 12, 2013 allegedly by
a gang comprising Mokhtar, Mohammad Subhaan, Mohammad Iqbal, Mohammad
Aslam, Mohammad Mustafa, Abdul Rukman and others.
You go on to say, “Sudhakar Sharma, accused of financial
and administrative irregularities and misappropriation, has been
reinstated as Secretary in Lalit Kala Akademi.” (
Ei to Lalit Kala
Akademi-te arthik ebong proshashonik oniyom ebong tochhruper daye
obhijukto Sudhakar Sharmake pher sochiber pode ene bosiye deoa holo.)
Isn’t it interesting that you are so worried about the reinstatement of
a mere Secretary in Lalit Kala Akademi while you were never worried
about the appointment of the last chairperson of the Central Board of
Film Certification (CBFC) who had taken over from you in 2011? Why did
you not write against
Leela Samson
who was facing allegations of financial and administrative
irregularities while being appointed to the post of CBFC Chairperson on
April 1, 2011?
You complain, “Those who want to think freely have to restrict themselves.” (Jara muktomone chinta korte chan tara gutiye jachchen.)
On the contrary, we are glad to note quite the reverse in contemporary
India: writers and artists are voicing their dissent in press and
television all the time without any visible repercussion. As a Muslim
and one with close links to the Congress party, the principal political
opponent of the current ruling dispensation, the section of our populace
whose opinion you insinuate is being stifled, isn’t the publication of
your critical article an evidence that the reality is quite to the
contrary?
You also claim, “Everywhere a kind of uncertainty and fear
is being built up. As if all the time someone is keeping a constant eye
over you, over your movements, over your thought.” (Sorbotro toiri
hochhe ek dhoroner onischoyota ebong bhoy. Sob somoyei jeno pichhon
theke keu kora nojordari rakhchhe apnar upor, apnar gotibidhir upor,
apnar chintar upor.) As it seems that you are scare-mongering about
a possible return of the Emergency, why is it that you did not object
to your late husband becoming an election candidate of the party which
did actually impose the only real Emergency that our country has ever
suffered?
You say, “Uprooting the Constitution, projecting violence
as democracy, changing the meaning of peace – such incidents cannot
continue for a long time.” (
Songbidhanke upre phele deoa, hingsake
gonotontro bole chalano, shantir orthotakei bodle deoar moto ghotona
deergho din cholte pare na.) If you are so concerned about
something called “uprooting the Constitution”, may we once again ask why
you were not concerned about your husband’s candidature of that party
which has
amended the Constitution
the most number of times? As you appear to be so concerned about the
Constitution, should you not support a nation-wide beef ban which would
be in keeping with Article 48 of the same Constitution? May we remind
you that the only party that even changed the preamble of the
Constitution after locking up all opposition in prison was your late
husband’s party?
You end with “All people should get united to demand the trial and punishment of Pansare, Kalburgi, Dabholkar.” (Pansare, Kalburgi, Dabholkarer hotyakarider bichar o shastir dabite oikyobodhho hon sob manush.)
We join you in your demand and note with some relief that the
BJP-governed state of Maharashtra has already made one arrest for
Pansare’s murder. We remain concerned that the INC-led governments
failed to make even a single arrest in the case of Kalburgi and
Dabholkar till date.
At the end of it, technicalities aside, it becomes
abundantly clear that your stated grounds do not pass the test of basic
consistency. It is perhaps the case that your reservations are rooted
elsewhere. It is a fact that you have rejected Hinduism, the religion
you were born into, to embrace Islam. This does not alter your locus as a
citizen in the secular, liberal society that Hindu-majority India is.
And, penalty for apostasy -indeed, there is no apostasy per se in
Hinduism – is an alien concept in Hinduism unlike that in Islam, the
religion you have chosen as an adult. But when you write on Hindu-Muslim
issues, it is essential that you reveal your conscious,
well-deliberated religious choice as an adult. Your readers do deserve
to know that you write as a Muslim, not as a Hindu despite your usage of
the pre-conversion Hindu name, especially when you criticise Hindus, or
a section thereof, of intolerance. It is also pertinent that your
rejection of Hinduism was not merely nominal, but influenced critical
decisions you undertook, which were devoid of respect for the diversity
inherent to Indian culture that you so proudly proclaim: “Indian culture
has been traditionally diverse. A nursery of all religions, complexions
and communities.” (Bharotiyo sonskriti oitijhhogoto bhabe chirokali boichitromoy. Sorbodhormo, borno o somprodayer manusher anturghor.)
For, if you had ever practiced the diversity which you are
preaching now, you would have told your mother-in-law at the time of
your marriage in 1969 that you would retain your parental religion
instead of converting to hers and would marry under the Special Marriage
Act of 1954 which was already in force for fifteen years then. Was it
not an adherence to the religion you adopted that you chose Arabic names
for all your children, also in keeping with the traditions of your
husband’s feudal family, and not Indic ones though you come from India’s
best-known cultural family? Is it a proof of diversity that all your
children know Urdu, their father’s mother tongue, but none of them know
Bengali which is your mother tongue? If you truly adhered to the
tolerance and diversity you espouse, shouldn’t you have ensured that
your children were exposed equally to the teachings of the
birth-religion of both their parents and they would be encouraged to
make an informed choice between the two once they reach majority?
Instead, we observe that your son proclaims that his paternal
grandmother was “the centre for all our religious education” and “With
my maternal grandparents I never discussed religion”. He does not
mention receiving religious education from anyone familiar with Hinduism
(including yourself).
Is this perhaps indicative of your rejection of the
religion you were born into? What diversity is revealed in your
household by your son’s statement that “the servants were all devout
Muslims”? What tolerance did you show for the customs of the religion
you rejected when you did not interfere with your “devout Muslim”
servants frightening your children against Holi by saying that the kids
would later be
“flayed in hell with cat-o-nine-tails”
for celebrating such Hindu festivals? Was it again diversity or
indoctrination into intolerance against your original faith that your
son got his first wife
converted to Islam
and gave Abrahamic names to both their kids? Your son is hardly an
exception in your family in that your elder daughter reflects similar
sentiments when she says, “I follow Islam”
without the slightest hint of your Hindu ancestry?
Your rejection of Hinduism does not alter you: how you raise your
children is entirely your concern, but concealing your religious bias
and indoctrination into intolerance while you assume public positions
isn’t. If only you revealed the same while you wrote the above piece,
your readers could have had a more honest conversation as to why you
remained largely indifferent while an entire Hindu ethnicity was being
cleansed off their ancestral homeland yet you were shaken to the core
when one Muslim was murdered at Dadri.
Yours faithfully,
Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh and Dikgaj.
Credits: DailyO And
Satyavijayi.com